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Puerto Rican Independence Since 1943by Moraydda Rosado21 Dec. 1999
When Christopher Columbus first arrived at Boriquin in November 19, 1493, the island was already inhabited by its indigenous people, the Taíno Indians. According to Arturo Morales Carrión, in Puerto Rico: A Political and Cultural History, artifacts excavated in the Cave María de la Cruz show through Radiocarbon dating that man has inhabited the island of Boriquén for nearly two thousand years. When Spain first entered the new world many islands became colonized by the European nation. Spain paved the way and began a process that was later followed by the Portuguese, English, Dutch and French. Because of this many of the islands of the Caribbean and countries in Central and South America may never reach their full potential as sovereign nations. Colonization among other things, created a dependency that has become very difficult to wean. For many nations their colonial history has become a major cause of their underdevelopment. This in part is the case for the island of Puerto Rico. Its colonial history may have helped in creating one of the most beautiful cultures in the world, but it has also done much harm. From the beginning of colonization the exploitation of the island’s natural resources warned of the problems the island could face in the future. When the Spanish first began the colonization of Puerto Rico, they enslaved the Taíno Indians and used them as a labor force to extract gold from the mines. Later, they imported African slaves to work the sugarcane plantations. Now in the 20th century, the people of Puerto Rico, are fighting to have the US Navy removed from the island of Vieques (Vieques is an offshore island nine miles off the eastern coast of Puerto Rico). Since the nineteen forty’s, the US Navy has used the island of Vieques as target practice, dropping bombs on the eastern tip of the island. From the moment the Spanish crossed the Atlantic Ocean and stepped foot in the West Indies, the fight for Puerto Rican Independence began. From the Taíno indians of the 15th century, to the independentistas of the 1940’s there has been a constant movement for the independence of Puerto Rico. The characters remain the same, but for the colonizer, first Spain, now the US. The Taíno people that were on the island when Columbus landed had an established society that consisted of Cacigazgos (chiefdoms). This social organization had two classes, the middle class the Nitainos, and lower class the Naborias. The Cacigazgo was ruled by the Cacique (the chief), of the tribe. In November of 1493, the Island of Boriquén had approximately 20 Cacigazgos. Columbus, upon "discovering" Boriqu¾ n, named the island San Juan de Bautista, and claimed it for Spain (the island was later renamed Puerto Rico). These are one of the typical characteristics of a colonizer. To impose a language, culture and beliefs with total disregard to the native. When the Spaniards began to colonize the island, they enforced what was called the Encomienda System. The Encomienda was a system the Spaniards used to designate Indian families (usually from a town), to the "charge" of a Spanish colonist. The colonist then became the "encomendero," and used the Indians for labor. Indian exploitation by the encomendero caused concern amongst the friars that were in the New World to convert the natives to Christianity. Their concerns later led to a law that attempted to improve relations between Spaniards and Indians. The Law of Burgos did not do much however, and the natives were not able to survive the conditions imposed on them by the Encomienda. In 1511, the principle cacique on the island, Agüeybana II planned a revolt against the Spanish. He planned this revolt after learning through the drowning of the Spaniard, Diego Salcedo, that the Spanish Encomenderos were mortal. The information was spread to all of the cacigazgos in the western region of the island, and a revolt was planned. Unfortunately the TaÍ nos were no match for the Spanish and their harquebuss, and Agüeybana II was killed. When the Taíno saw that their leader Agò eybana was killed, many of them surrendered and gave up the battle. Others fled into the mountains to escape the Spaniards. This battle was to become very important in the history of the Taíno Indians, and the island of Puerto Rico. It proved that since the very beginning, there has been a resistance against enslavement and colonization. Spain began importing African slaves to Puerto Rico because of the decimation of the Taíno Indians. Many of the Taíno escaped to the mountains in the interior part of the island, committed suicide, or simply died from the diseases brought to the New World by the Spaniards. The Taíno were not the first people the Spanish enslaved. They enslaved the Africans in the Atlantic Islands and used them for domestic help. The Caribbean islands being the first major zone of European settlement, encouraged the early experimentation with African slave labor. The Ladinos, an acculturated and christianized Africans were the first to cross the Atlantic. These enslaved, already exposed to the European experience, knew Spanish by the time they came to the New World. Many of them resisted the Spanish and refused to work as they were not used to the hard labor. Spaniards then began to import Bozales when the Ladinos began to rebel. The Bozales were from the west coast of Africa and they differed from the Ladino. They were brought to the New World straight from Africa, and consisted of different ethnic groups. This was done to prevent them from communicating with each other, and planning an uprising or revolt. However this did not stop the enslaved Africans and the first slave rebellion in Latin America was in Puerto Rico (July 26 - November 23, 1514). King Ferdinand of Spain then authorized Seville to import Africans in group of 50 (up to 200), so they may be easier to control. Between the 16th century and the early 19th century Puerto Rico underwent a lot of change. For one, it was neglected by Spain, and its economy suffered. The Mexican allowance that Spain granted to the colonies was not enough, as at times it did not reach the island. Even when the land grants were given to the hacendados, this created subsistence farming. The situation worsened and contraband flourished, as at the time the emphasis on the island was for fortification, not the people and the economy. The island also had to deal with constant attacks by other European nations like the British and the Dutch. Many of the settlers emigrated to the wealthy countries of South America, like Mexico and Peru. The settlers that remained had to struggle against an undemocratic system of government that placed absolute power in the hands of a militant Governor. When the island was not producing revenue for Spain, the monarchy sent Alejandro O’Reilly to investigate and survey the land. He was to take a survey of the land, and a census of the people. He would then report his findings and make his recommendations. O’Reilly suggested inviting Europeans from neutral countries to migrate to Puerto Rico. The qualified would be people with agricultural experience and capital. They should be catholic, and ideologically conservative. Any imported machinery would be tax free, and six acres of land would be given for each member of the family (3 additional acres for each slave). These were the terms of the Cédula de Gracias, which did not come about until 1815. During the mid to late 18th century, Spain opened and closed Puerto Rico’s ports to different countries. During this time a relationship was established with the United States for purposes of trading slaves, flours & foodstuffs. In the meantime Puerto Rico was establishing a plantation economy and sugar became its main crop. As the population in Puerto Rico increased, so did the taxes. Spain was losing the battle against South American countries that were fighting for their independence and at the same time, the Puerto Rican national conscientiousness was waking up. The Creoles on the island were tiring of Spain’s heavy taxation and neglect. Spain continued to view Puerto Rico as military outpost and increased the military forces on the island. The island’s status changed from colony to province, back to colony. Some Creoles having lost what little political power they had, began to conspire against Spain. In the early-mid 19th century, Spain had to contend with the revolutionary wars in Latin America, the Haitian revolution inspiring slave revolts in Puerto Rico and the beginnings of the independent ideology. By September of 1868, Spain had lost all of its colonies except for Cuba and Puerto Rico. On the 23rd of September of 1868 Puerto Rico led one of its most significant and historical attempt at independence. The leader of this independent movement was a Puerto Rican physician, Ramón Emeterio Betances. Betances lived in France for many years and there, adopted the ideals that he later incorporated into Los diez mandamientos de hombres libres (the ten commandments of free men). The abolition of slavery, the right to fix taxes, freedom of speech, freedom to trade, freedom of assembly, the right to elect their own public official and several others made up the Ten Commandments of Free Men. With these ideals, Betances tried to help the people of Puerto Rico in many ways. He administered free medical care to blacks during a cholera outbreak and would often purchase the freedom of infant slaves. He was exiled several times from the island of Puerto Rico because he was accused of organizing a secret abolitionist society. During one his exiles, he went to New York and contacted the Sociedad Republicana de Cuba y Puerto Rico. While in New York he met several Spanish American exiles who were interested in the liberation of both islands. Betances went back to Santo Domingo (Dominican Republic) and made plans for the revolution of Puerto Rico. El Grito de Lares occurred on September 23, 1868. According to Olga Jiménez de Wagenheim in Puerto Rico’s Revolt for Independence - El Grito de Lares, the rebel leaders planned to launch their attack on the 29th of September of 1868. The 29th of September was chosen because on that day several hundred slaves from the Mayagüez area would be celebrating outside of the haciendas and could be lured to join the cause. Other factors also considered were that revolutionary movements in Cuba and in Spain were scheduled to begin fighting around the same time. Fear of being captured, caused the revolt to be moved forward. It is said that about 600 rebels made it to the town of Lares and once there, formed a provisional government for the Republic. The first official statement of the revolutionary government was that every one from the island was required to take up arms and help secure the freedom and independence of Puerto Rico; that persons of another nation will be accepted as a patriot if they voluntarily take up arms in favor of their cause; that slaves taking up arms in their favor will be free, and those slaves that are disabled will be free as well. The people of Puerto Rico were ready for change, they were ready for a free Puerto Rico. Unfortunately, since no other town seconded the cry of Lares, and Betances was not able to reach Puerto Rico , the uprising came to an end. The loyalist in the town next to Lares together with the military troops were prepared to fight the rebel army and stop them from advancing. The fight had lasted no more than an hour when the rebels gave up. Additional Spanish military troops were sent in to secure the town, and capture the rebels. Betances never made it to Puerto Rico as back in Santo Domingo he was kept from leaving by order of the island’s president. After the revolutionary movements in Puerto Rico and Cuba (El Grito de Yara which began the ten year war), the island suffered because of the political instability in Spain. Spain was constantly changing monarchies, from the surrender of the throne by Isabella II, to the non-governing reign of Amadeo of Savoy. By the coronation of Alfonso XII in 1875, slavery had been abolished in Puerto Rico and two political parties had formed. The Liberal Reformist Party, which favored reforms and political assimilation, and the Liberal Conservative Party that defended the status quo. Spain finally granted Puerto Rico "Autonomy", in the midst of Cuba’s second revolutionary war, which led to the Spanish American War. There are many misconceptions that the Autonomic Charter that was followed by the invasion of the United States granted Puerto Rico Independence. The charter, which granted Puerto Rico a bicameral parliament consisting of a house of representatives and an administrative council; a cabinet consisting of a president and five ministers appointed by the governor general: those of the justice and state, of internal affairs, of education, of agriculture, industry and commerce, and of public works and communications; a provincial assembly; municipal governments; and representation in the Spanish Parliament which consisted of 16 deputies and 3 senators, was still in the hands of Spain since the governor general was appointed by the King. Spain would also continue to control commercial treaties and participation affecting the island. During the three months that Puerto Rico enjoyed autonomy, there was conflict between the political parties on the island. There were elections held for absolute control of the cabinet and legislature. The new government was to take office in may, but there was a delay due to the United States’ intervention in the war between Cuba and Spain. The legislature convened eight days before the United States landed on the shores of Puerto Rico. Puerto Rico was not a "booty of war" for the United States as many history books put it. The U.S. had Puerto Rico, Cuba and Hawaii in its sights for many years, as they were considered strategic points for the naval bases as well as for trade. When the U.S. became involved in the Spanish American war, they had already annexed Hawaii and wanted to fulfill their Manifest Destiny of becoming a world power. The U.S. had every intention of controlling the territories they considered part of their backyard. That is why after the American troops landed in Ponce, the commander in chief stated in a proclamation on July 29, 1898: "That the army commanders see to it that the inhabitants of the island obey the authority of the United States, and that the power of the military occupant is absolute and supreme." Most of the liberal elite rejoiced at the arrival of the United States as they were under the impression that meant freedom. Then there were those that were weary of the United States’ intention and wanted the military government established by the U.S. to end as soon as possible. What transpired was that the island became an "unincorporated territory", where constitutional uniformity would not fully apply. Therefore, Puerto Rico "belonged to the United States, but was not a part of." Puerto Rico underwent dramatic changes in the first half of the twentieth century. Ironically the government that was established in Puerto Rico by the U.S. was similar to the autonomic charter Spain had granted Puerto Rico in 1898. The island would have a civilian government in which the president of the United States would appoint its governor, a bicameral system with an executive council (six government and five civilian), also appointed by the president of the U.S., house of delegates (which were elected), and a judicial system (Puerto Rican supreme court and federal district court). Any law signed or vetoed by the governor of Puerto Rico had to be seen by the U.S. congress. The official language was changed to English, and at school, children were taught in the English language. The official language was eventually changed back to Spanish. Throughout the history of Puerto Rico, there has existed many political groups. From the Creole elite of the 1800s to Pedro Albizu Campos’ nationalist party of the 1930s. Pedro Albizu Campos, a Harvard graduate became the president of the Puerto Rico Nationalist Party in May of 1930. Albizu claimed that the U.S. "was dominated by Anglo-Saxon views and traditions, and no state had been admitted into the union until this domination had been established. Puerto Rico with its long history, peculiar civilization, and high population density did not fit the system." He and the Nationalist Party believed that Puerto Rico should be a free, sovereign republic. Unfortunately, like in present day, the people of Puerto Rico may be supportive to a cause, but shy away from voting. Albizu did not receive enough votes during the 1932 House of Delegates elections. Albizu became very discouraged with the "democratic process" and adopted a revolutionary style. He had a following of about 5,000 men, and these Nationalist wore black shirts. During one of his speeches at a University in Puerto Rico a gun battle occured between members of the Nationalist Party and the police. In the end a police officer was injured and three Nationalist were dead. Albizu accused the governor and the current chief of police of planning the murders, and promised revenge. Several months later the chief of police was shot by two young nationalist. At police headquarters, both were immediately killed by the police. The American government decided it was time to put Albizu behind bars. While the FBI was collecting evidence to accuse Albizu of conspiring to overthrow the federal government in Puerto Rico, the governor was working on a bill to offer Puerto Rico its independence in a referendum. At a cabinet meeting in March 1936, the bill’s introduction was approved, but not as an administration measure. There were several motives behind the bill. It was in line with the Tydings-McDuffie Bill, which had given independence to the Philippines; with the abrogation of the Platt amendment in Cuba; and with the general objectives of the Good Neighbor Policy. It was also meant "to call the bluff for those that were arguing for independence." It offered a referendum on whether Puerto Rico should be sovereign and independent. If the vote was affirmative, a constitutional convention would be called and the people - and the president - would approve or reject the document. A 4 year transition period would follow, then a tariff would be imposed with a 25 percent yearly increase, and other U.S. grants would be terminated. The U.S. had every intention of punishing Puerto Rico for wanting its independence. Meanwhile, Pedro Albizu Campos was sentenced to serve two ten years in an Atlanta jail. Albizu had to be tried twice, as his first trail was a hung jury composed of seven Puerto Ricans. The second jury had only two Puerto Ricans. Albizu to this day remains to be a symbol in the search for Puerto Rican independence. In some later years the Nationalist continued to the fight by making attempts on the lives of a Federal Judge and the Governor. There is also the historic event known as the "Ponce Massacre in which seventeen Nationalist were killed while unarmed by the police. Initially the Nationalist requested to hold a parade in San Juan but were denied. The parade was then moved to Ponce, and would take place on Palm Sunday. The permit was revoked in the last minute and the Nationalist decided to march anyway. The marchers were not carrying arms as this was a peaceful march, but the police was heavily armed. There is no record as to who fired the first shot, but there is a photographic record that shows the police surrounded the marchers and fired into the crowd after the first undetermined shot. Pedro Albizu Campos served ten years (1936-1948), in an Atlanta Federal prison. Two years later, Albizu was arrested on November 2, 1950 for violation of Law 53 and other colonial laws. His arrest came after the nationalist insurrection of October 30. Twelve public speeches given by him between 1948 and 1950, taken by police stenographers was the proof presented for the charges. He was found guilty of all charges and sentenced in August 1951 to 54 years of prison. He was also found guilty on other charges and was sentenced to a total of 72 years. He was jailed in La Princesa Penitentiary in San Juan Puerto Rico where he served his sentence. Pedro Albizu Campos died on April 21, 1965. More than 75,000 Puerto Ricans carried his remains to the Old San Juan Cemetery. Pedro Albizu Campos protested vigorously against the US Navy’s invasion of Vieques in 1941. In a series of articles published in a newspaper, Albizu accused the Navy of carrying out a policy of genocide against the Puerto Rican people in Vieques. In 1941, there were 10,362 inhabitants in Vieques. The Navy expropriated two thirds of the total land, including most of the land used for farming. The location of Vieques has made the island a sought after territory since the beginning of the colonization of Puerto Rico. The island of Vieques although colonized by the Spanish, was coveted by the French, Danish and British. All marshes, mangrove areas, dry lands and bodies of water adjacent to and belonging to Puerto Rico, situated on the east and southeast coasts of Puerto Rico were ceded to the Navy in a law approved by the Puerto Rican legislature in April of 1941. Thousands of people were forced off their land, and those without a legal title were given $20 or $30 for their houses and less than 48 hours to abandon the area. Even the Governor of Puerto Rico at the time, Luis Muñoz Marín was against the military installation in Vieques. In a letter to then President John F. Kennedy on December 28th, 1961 he wrote: "Obviously, the political and human dismemberment which the project involves will be a fundamental shock. We know of no truly comparable action in American history. I believe that it is the kind of action which arouses instinctive disapproval". It can be assumed that the letter to President Kennedy did not deter the US Navy from establishing a base in Vieques. In fact with the impending transfer of the Panama Canal to Panama, the U.S. Southern Army might possibly be relocating to Ft. Buchanan, near Bayamón, Puerto Rico. This can only worsen the "environmental disaster" that the Puerto Rican environmentalist Dr. Neftalí García, calls Vieques. Professor Jos¾ Seguinot Barbosa, Director of the Geography Department of the University of Puerto Rico also states that, "the eastern tip of the island (where the navy carries out its bombing practice) constitutes a region with more craters per kilometer than the moon." The Puerto Rican people, in a never ending struggle for human rights, have protested against the U.S. Navy occupancy of Vieques for decades. Most recently, after a civilian security guard was killed by an errant bomb in April. The Navy then suspended training on Vieques but has sought a way to resume it. Since then the people supporting the removal of the Navy from Vieques have gone from camping out on the bombing range, to holding demonstrations across the U.S. Even the governor of Puerto Rico Pedro Rosello, that is for the most part pro-statehood, called Clinton's plan to resume the military bombing for the next five years with "inert," or dummy, bombs on Vieques instead of the live ammunition that is part of advanced combat training, as "unacceptable for the people of Puerto Rico and the people of Vieques." He also stated that, "Personally I feel deceived with the position that's been taken because it doesn't faithfully reflect what we have been discussing with the president." Politics, the economy, education, culture, labor, the environment and most of all the status of Puerto Rico, have been constant issues at war between Puerto Rico and its colonizers. The people of Puerto Rico have never been given a sincere chance to choose for themselves their islands destiny. The so called Plebiscites are only to prove that the people on the island are divided by fear, a fear that has been instilled in the people for more than 500 years. For what else can a people learn when they have been brainwashed into associating independence with poverty, ruled with a mixture of paternalism and neglect, with a self-righteousness and condescension, and into believing "they are unfit for self-government"?
Bibliography Figueroa, Loida. History of Puerto Rico. L.A. Publishing Company Inc. New York, NY. 1978 Jiminez de Wagenheim, Olga. Puerto Rico: An Interpretive History from Pre-Columbian Times to 1900. Markus Wiener Publishing. Princeton. 1998 Jiminez de Wagenheim, Olga. Puerto Rico’s Revolt for Independence: El Grito de Lares. Markus Wiener Publishing. Princeton & New York. 1993 Morales CarriÙ n, Arturo. Puerto Rico: A Political and Cultural History. W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., New York. American Association for State and Local History, Nashville. 1983 |
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