Saxakali Magazine 3:1 Suriname's Environment in `96

Saxakali Magazine V3N1
Environmental Issues:

Writing on the Wall
Suriname Environment in '96

Introduction

Suriname, formerly dutch guiana, is a tiny wedge of territory on the north coast of south america (see Geographical Information Link). The country is more closely linked to its ex-colonial master, the netherlands, than to any of its south american neighbors. Suriname gained independence from the netherlands in 1975. Some 65% of the 410,000 population live in and around the port capital of Parimaribo.

The country is one of the world's biggest bauxite producers, and plays host to multinational mining companies, including the US-based ALCOA, whose activities have profoundly shaped its political and economic development since 1917. The gross domestic product per capita has decreased more than 100% in the last 15 years.

The country's political economy are oriented towards satisfying the needs of an overlarge urban middle class grown dependent on aid and foreign business enclaves. The government and middle class have shown minimal concern for the thousands of tribal and indigenous people who inhabit the interior areas. Power has become vested in an elite cartel of ethnically fractionalised politicians whose personal fortunes have been built up on patronage networks that have grown fat parcelling out the largesse of dutch development assistance.

Independence, Dictatorship & Civil War

In the past two decades, the people of the suriname have endured two military coups, seven years of dictatorship and widespread guerrila activity. The country democratic beginnings was abruptly halted in 1980 when Desi Bouterse, an army sergeant-major, staged a military coup. Bouterse and his military-based National Democratic Party (NDP) faced six further coup attempts in the next three years. The army executed 15 opponents in December 1982, and after this incident, the usa, netherlands and other countries cut off foreign aid to suriname.

With the marginalization of forest peoples, civil war broke out in 1986, between government forces under the control of a military dictatorship and an insurgent force comprised mainly of maroons under the leadership of Ronnie Brunswijk, a former member of Bouterse's personal bodyguard. The insurgents, the `Jungle Commando' were supported by foreign powers such as the Dutch Secret Service. In retaliation, the government armed forces massacred 54 women, men and children in a counter-insurgency sweep through the maroon village of Moiwana in 1986.

Free elections were held in 1987 and civilian rule gradually returned. Peace accords were signed and broken in 1988 and 1989 when the armed forces opposed the peace accords and stopped cooperating with the government. Bouterse's exploited enmities dating from the era of slavery by recuiting indigenous people in militias to help the armed forces as essential war scouts. Another insurgent group, the `Tucayana Amazones,' emerged from the south, dominated by indigenous defectors from Bouterse's army and the paramilitary.

In 1990, another military coup occured, but with declining prices for bauxite, a civil war, huge capital flight and strong opposition from the dutch government, the Bouterse military regime was forced to hold elections in May 1992. The New Front Coalition (made up of the three main ethnic parties and the Labor Party) with Ronald Venetiaan as president, gained a majority of votes.The coalition was headed by the Progressive Reform Party (VHP), the main east indian party. A gradual restoration of a civilian government followed.

The civil war ended with a peace accord in 1992 signed by the New Front government. The war lasted six years, cost more than 500 lives and led to 15,000 people seeking exile in french guiana and guyana. With the signing of the peace accord, foreign prospecting companies started moving in again.

In 1994, spiralling inflation led to bread riots, and foreign aid started flowing again. In the September 1996 elections, the New Front coalition collapsed after defections by several parties in the 869-member United Peoples Assembly. A new governing coalition took office with Jules Wijdenbosch as president. The coalition is led by Bouterse’s NDP; Party of National Unity and Solidarity (KTPI), an indonesian-javanese party; and BVD-VHP, a splinter group of the VHP. Wijdenbosch was prime minister from 1986-87 and vice president after the second take-over of state power by Bouterse’s NDP and the military in December 1990.

Whose Independence or Land Rights?

According to suriname's laws, inherited with almost no modification from the dutch, the great majority of the interior is `domeingrond' or land belonging to the state. Over all of this land, the government has, and exercises, the right of disposal. However, it is constrained to take into account the interests of maroons and indigenous peoples. The law does not recognize community rights of ownership or the legal personality of communities. The state did not create `reservations' or `reserves' of any kind to secure either indigenous or maroon territories.

Article 10 of the1992 peace accord states that all amerindian and maroon villages shall have an economic zone demarcated and legally recognized. Maroons are the descendants of african enslaved peoples who fought for and won their freedom from the dutch colonial administration in the 18th century. Treaties signed at that time recognized their political and territorial autonomy.

Presently, there is no legislation dealing with indigenous and tribal rights to lands, territories and resources in Suriname. Article 41 of the suriname constitution reserves all rights to the sub-surface to the state. Although surinamese law does not expressly recognize the land rights of maroon and indigenous peoples, these rights are recognized in international human rights treaties to which suriname is a party.

Article 3 of the latest draft of the Universal Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, notes: `Indigenous Peoples have the right to self-determination. By virtue of that right, they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.' Article 15 of a revised ILO convention of 1989 states: `The rights of these peoples concerned to the natural resources pertaining to their lands shall be specifically safeguarded. These rights include the right of these people to participate in the use, management and conservation of these resources.'

Suriname's Environment, People and Development

Suriname has about 100 million acres, or 150,000 sq. kilometers, of forest in the amazon basin. About 90% of the country's surface area is under tree cover; 80% is covered by primary mangrove, swamp, and rain forests. There are some known 4,500 species of plants, 674 species of birds, 200 species of mammals, 130 species of reptiles, and 99 amphibians. The trade in wildlife and endangered species is widespread, with preferred species being parrots, macaws, parakeets, songbirds, and a variety of reptiles, amphibians and orchids.

Despite clear evidence that logging will prove uncontrollable and bring little revenue to the state exchequer, it is clear that the present government continues to see resource exploitation in the rainforest interior of the country as the primary means of "development." The New Front government negotiated a number of contracts for immense logging concessions in favor of multinationals with dubious reputations. Only about 6% of the forests within the Forestry Service's area of operation were considered to be `managed' or `partly managed.' Marcus Colchester of the World Rainforest Movement wrote in 1995 that the government "embarking on a rapid expansion of logging when the country cannot even police its existing forest concessions is economic as well as environmental madness."

The contracts would affect one of the world's largest unspoiled tracts of tropical forests. The majority of these concessions comprise of the ancestral lands of indigenous and tribal peoples, who constitute 15 percent of the surinamese population. Indigenous peoples include arawak, carib, wayana, trio and akuriyo communities; maroon groups include djuka, paramaka, aluku, saramaka, matuari and kwinti communities.

(for related information, see World Resources Institute Link)

Illegal Forest Concessions & Asian Elites

The Forest Service has lost most of its infrastructure sue to the civil war. The head of the forest service earns less than US$ 550 per month. Many of the 550 staff make as little as US$ 10 per month. The annual forest service budget ia only about $20,000-$30,000, of which 80% goes for salaries and 15 for office supplies and vehicle maintenance costs. There are only 3 professional foresters and 6 technicians on staff.

Although a progressive Forest Act was passed in 1992, limiting concessions to 150,000 hectares, few if any of these legal provisions have been applied and political pressures are conspiring to subvert them completely. Berjaya Berhad of malaysia, MUSA of indonesia and Suri-Atlantic of indonesia have a total of 3-5 million hectares of lands. Berjaya got a concession for about 10 million acres. Contracts allow companies to export raw logs with generous benefits, as well as violate the 1992 Forestry Act.

MUSA local representatives incorporated 70 local companies and negotiated concessions of 150,000 hectares for 60 of them with the assistance of KTPI, the javanese party. The company's bid to grab control of a majority of the country's remaining timber led to a national and international uproar in 1994. The agreements between MUSA and the government were negotiated behind closed doors, fuelling suspicions of corruption. Companies from china, canada, australia and brazil are queuing up for logging concessions.

MUSA and Berjaya are already logging in Suriname through surinamese front companies. Leader of the BVD-VHP is also legal counsel to Berjaya and brother of Berjaya Suriname's president. In 1994, senior Berjaya executives were forced to leave the Solomon Islands for trying to bribe a senior government official in order to get a forest concession.

Unless properly supervised and made publicly accountable, the timber and mining industries may damage democratic institutions and lead to the domination of the political economy by nepotistic, patronage politics. This undermines democratic principles and causes an increasing marginalization of rural people, who find they can no longer rely on their political representatives to defend their interests. Damaging forest use is the inevitable consequence of abuse of office by politicians, whose vested interests in quick profits override the long term interests of the nation.

(For related information see Gaia Link)

Resistance in Suriname and Abroad

For more than a year, the government's plans for granting land concessions to logging companies have been delayed because of opposition from surinamese environmental, development, human rights and indigenous and tribal peoples organizations. There is also local opposition in the national assembly, and by conservationists and others, including the american and dutch governments, the World Bank, and Havard Law School.

In 1995, the New Front government invited the Organization of American States (OAS) to try to broker a tri-partite agreement between the government, the community of New Koffiekamp and the mining companies. However, negotiations were inclusive; a sticking point was the refusal by the New Front government and the companies to treat the saramaka people as legitimate landowners, in line with the 1992 peace accord, as the OAS suggested.

The Wijdenbosch government stated in September 1996 that the draft contract for logging concessions were on hold. The Inter-American Development Bank has been approached to provide technical and other support with the monotoring og logging concessions to ensure that logging is done in `an environmentally sound manner.'

Local surinamese non-governmental organizations (NGOs), like the Indigenous Peoples Organisation of Suriname has openly denounced the policy of handing out logging concessions in the interior. A spokesperson said: `We want development not being developed by force.' Conservationists propose alternatives that would save the forest, such as developing eco-tourism and researching the medicinal qualities of forest plants. Debates in the national assembly to discuss the contracts were posponed four times.

NGOs point put that uncontrolled logging in vulnerable upland forests will result in species extinctions, fauna decline, and a loss of ecosystem and genetic diversity. Deforestation and heavy machinery will accelerate soil erosion, increase run-off and distrupt drainage. The result may be rising rates of malaria and other waterborne diseases. Siltation of river systems may cause loss of fishstocks and affect navigation.

Arawa residents in the MUSA concession on the Courentyne feel cheated by the government. The village captain of Washiabo notes: ‘the government promised us our `economical zone' but has given it out to others. If the `economical zones' are not given us then the peace accord was just a piece of paper... I feel very sad, very sorry, when I see so many logs been taken away. It's unimaginable how much money is there. The price of the logs is high, while we get nothing. We won't live forever, we all have to die some day. But I think that, in the future people will say, "I am very sorry about what happened then. They never had good intentions towards the indigenous people."‘

Re-Colonialization of the Interior

Golden Star Resources (GSR) currently has direct interests in at least four concessions in suriname - Gros Rosebel, Saramacca, Thunder Mountain and Headley's Reef. It also has interests in a number of other areas under concession in the name of third parties, such as NaNa Resources, an ex-minister of natural resources, and an employee of the government's geology and mining department. The wayana amerindian community of Kawemhakan is located in the South Benzdorp mining concession granted to NaNa. The concession was granted without informing the amerindian people of obtaining their permission. GSR is currently conducting exploration activities here.

Recently, the arawak community of Kassipora discovered a team of GSR geologists working behind their village. The leaders of the trio amerindian village of Kwamalasemutu near the brazilian border has been repeated pressured by GSR and its surinamese partner, NaNa, to allow them to explore for diamonds and other minerals. The village leaders have consistently said no to GSR and NaNa.

State & Multinational Terrorism

Since 1992, the 500-800 residents of the bush-african village of Nieuw-Koffiekamp have been fighting against the presence of GSR in the area. So far the company has invested US$ 20 million in suriname in the search for gold. They want to start a gold mine in the area for 10 to 20 years, employing 600 men with 20% of the profits going to a state owned mining company, Grassalco.

GSR was granted a mining concession in 1994 to explore for gold in Gros Rosebel. The company will pay only 2% royalties on all minerals. This concession includes the community of Nieuw Koffiekamp. Soon after the National Assembly approved the Gross Rosebel concession, an armed group of maroon insurgents calling itself the Surinamese Liberation Front, held 30 of Alcoa's personnel hostage at the Afobaka dam and demanded, among other things, the revocation of the concession. Armed police were called in to neutralize the insurgents.

GSR went ahead with mineral exploration by establishing a heavily guarded base camp one kilometer from New Koffiekamp. The police inspector incharge of the police detachment in the area was hired by GSR as head of their private security force. He armed GSR security personnel with police issue weapons. A unit of the heavily-armed, elite, anti-terrorist police support group has also been ststioned at the site.

According to the World Rainforest Movement, thousands of sarmaka maroon small-scale miners have been forced to flee from the region after the government threatened to use `ground and air' strikes against them in June, 1995, at the request of GSR. After resistance was put down, Cambior Inc., moved in and acquired a 50% interest of Gros Rosebel in February, 1996.

In September, 1996, GSR officials confirmed their agreement with the government of suriname to provide security in the area. Failure of the government to do so has resulted in the hiring of a private security force. GSR publicly confirmed knowledge of a shooting incident in August and stated that "relocation is inevitable." So far the government has been content to sit on the sidelines, leaving the community to negotiate with GSR directly. However, human rights groups like Moiwana`86 have demanded that the company leave the area.

Environment/Social Impact of Exploration

During the time that GSR has been working in Gros Rosebel, the surinamese press has reported a number of alleged human rights violations, including restrictions on freedom of movement, inhumane treatment, harassment and intimidation. Security forces have fired on villagers working in their fields several times. Twenty-five villagers from nearby Royal Hill were arrested and expelled from the concession area in September 1995.

According to one estimate, GSR activities in the area have led to the destruction of 1/4 to 1/3 of the trees in the area, and have severely scarred and punctured the savannah in the area. All this to make way for augur pits and sampling trenches, pollluting water sources. The area has been overrun with roads and trails, many of which have been put in by the mining companies.

Game and wildlife habitat is depleted and animals driven away due to exploration activities, making hunting and traditional subsistence agriculture difficult. Once feasibility studies are completed, vast open-pit mines will be dug, accompanied by large ponds to process crushed ore with cyanide and hold tailings, similar to the Omai in guyana.

World Council of Churches Consultation on Mining and Indigenous Peoples issued a declaration and list of `Hot Spots' areas for immediate concern, in May, 1996: "We condemn the activities of the Canadian mining companies Golden Star Resources, based in the United States, and Cambior Inc. as violations of fundamental human rights. In particular, the failure to respect Indigenous and Tribal peoples' collective rights to own and control their lands, territories and resources; to cultural integrity; to life, health, freedom of movement and humane treatment. We also condemn any attempt to sever the community of Nieuw Koffiekamp's relationship with the total environment of their lands and territories through relocation or environmental degradation; We not that these two companies - as partners in Omai Gold Mines Ltd. in Guyana - were directly responsible for one of the worst mining disasters in history and that Golden Star Resources is also violating the rights of Indigenous people in the Upper Mazaruni region of Guyana. We also note that the government of Suriname is guilty of failing to recognise the rights, especially the land rights, of the Indigenous and Tribal peoples who presently find themselves within its borders: however, this does is not a valid excuse for mining companies to violate those rights."

Save Suriname's Forest